But he would certainly receive prominent mention in somewhat incommodious manner for elevating that aberrant political behaviour to a dark art form. His is consistent with that Nigerian way of doing things in reverse that ultimately puts the country in backward gear rather than accelerating it like others with far less resources.
Tinubu arrived the political scene from his private sector practice quite like a gentleman with all the good intentions and pursued a pro-democracy agenda that his distractors at the time even admired. He emerged a senator after the famous elections, adjudged the freest and fairest and which produced Chief MKO Abiola whose mandate the military would infamously scuttle.
He and others would later flee the country for political exile abroad where they fought the military to a standstill. And so from to through the dictatorships of Generals Ibrahim Babangida and Sani Abacha, Tinubu and his co-travellers in the highway of democracy fought for the return to civilian rule.
It was a fight that cost lives and much more. Tinubu did not only survive the onslaught of the military rampage that went after pro-democracy activists and campaigners, he also emerged one of its huge beneficiaries when he became governor of Lagos State in He would then bring his private sector practice into governance and lay what many consider the blueprint for his successors for a modern Lagos that was poised for its race from a mega to a smart city.
He fought many political battles before emerging governor, including the stiff opposition he shrugged off from Mr. Funso Williams, who would later die in questionable circumstances in the race to the governorship seat in Alausa. Eventually, Mr. Tinubu triumphed. President Olusegun Obasanjo would heckle him with federal might with him returning fire as well. While in opposition he shouted his voice hoarse over restructuring and fiscal federalism, terms he propounded to deafening loudness.
More importantly, the US shunning Pakistan will drive it closer to China, and China is not a less dependable or valuable ally. Israel should, by all political logic, be a primary enemy of ISIS but it is never targeted. It is strangely ironic that India, in which little is transparent, should adopt such a transparent foreign policy — like ties with Israel finding official favour alongside so much fanfare.
The US has never fought wars on its own territory after the Civil War and this is evidently to ensure that its wars are fought elsewhere and by non-Americans. Narendra Modi is a strong leader with a will of iron but that also makes him more predictable than Xi Jinping.
To conclude, India is increasingly acting as though the US is its natural ally, and most middle and upper-class Indians seem to think so too. Where India is going wrong is in equating the affluent Indian community in the US with the Jewish one.
Just as Michael Corleone has Senator Pat Geary speak on his behalf when he is investigated, India needs insiders who will lobby on its behalf in the corridors of American power. There are people of Indian origin in American politics — like Nikki Haley, Kamala Harris and Bobby Jindal — but they have not associated themselves with India; even their visits to India if any are not publicised.
This is conjectural, but unlike Judaism and Islam, Hinduism and its land do not evoke fierce loyalty among those who leave it. In a very different part of the country, the political future of the majority Muslim state of Kano in the north may also be defined by a larger-than-life godfather. Kano has the second-biggest number of registered voters in the country, making it a key state for either of the two main parties to secure victory.
Rabiu Kwankwaso, a former governor, has built a loyal and dedicated following there, partly built through a free education programme implemented during his tenure. Whichever candidate gets his blessing is guaranteed a lot of voters. He even has his own political fan club, known as the Kwankwasiyya movement, whose members are easily recognisable in their uniform of red caps and white gowns.
In the last elections he successfully endorsed Abdullahi Ganduje, his former deputy for governor. But since Mr Ganduje became governor, he has been locked in a bitter dispute with Mr Kwankwaso.
The feud is so fierce that for some time Mr Kwankwaso avoided the city of Kano where there has been an attempt to counter his popularity with the so-called Gandujiyya movement, whose members wear blue hats. As godsons become political players in their own right, it is inevitable that they fall out with their godfathers. Mr Ashiru says this is because in developing societies like Nigeria, the state is the most important source of revenue and wealth accumulation, which both will want to access to.
For Mr Ashiru this is a key problem with godfatherism: "Godfather culture is more about the individual than the collective. All the politicians I spoke to shied away from the term "godfather" as it has become loaded - associated with bullish tactics and undemocratic practices. Never before in the history of Kerala politics have so many film, TV and sports personalities jumped into the poll fray hoping to make it to the legislature assembly. Kerala politics rarely accommodated those from the tinsel world as the state boasts of a politically conscious population unlike neighbouring states Tamil Nadu and Andhra.
Nitish reciprocated and described Sinha as "pride of Bihar" and said his association with him was "more of an emotional one than political. However, it is unfair to only blame the political class. We Indians as a whole love to take favours from the powerful whenever we get the opportunity. Most MPs contributed in their own way to every form of debate in the House with passion, dedication and knowledge. May be bankers should take lessons from the mafia.
The godfathers went after profits, too. But they were much more disciplined. Have you read these stories? ET NOW. Brand Solutions. Video series featuring innovators. ET Financial Inclusion Summit. Malaria Mukt Bharat.
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